Focal Point Of A Shopping Mall Cultural Studies Essay

Focal Point Of A Shopping Mall Cultural Studies Essay Shopping mall is inevitably the main focal point in many Malaysia city and shopping has become the Malaysian favorite pastime during weekends. Moreover, series of mega sales and discount events have encouraged the act of consumption, turning the shopping center become one of vital element in our lifestyle. The role of shopping center is gradually replacing existing public space in many modern Asian cities where the people do not have public parks or squares to hangout. Instead, a weekend family affair may just spend in the movie theatre or restaurants inside shopping mall. Therefore, shopping center is evolving into a new force whose impact should not be neglected. Nowadays, a new kind of shopping center known as the lifestyle center began emerging in Malaysia. According to International Council of Shopping Centers (ICSC), the lifestyle center features an open-air architecture, typically high-end retailers, may or may not include anchor stores, and has a large concentration of dining and entertainment facilities. The properties are usually well landscaped and offer outdoor artwork, music, and trams or trolleys for on-site transportation. It is intended to support a shopping as entertainment mindset and has become highly popular in affluent communities. We can see the emerge of lifestyle malls in Greater Kuala Lumpur especially suburban Kuala Lumpur such as 1Mont Kiara, The Curve, Jaya One, Wangsa Walk, Sunway Giza, Alamanda Putrajaya and the list goes on. Originated in US, lifestyle center combining the traditional retail functions of a shopping mall with leisure amenities in a town square or main street setting have become common in affluent suburban areas and are now one of the most popular retail formats in US. However, in Malaysia, the professionals are keener to recognize it as Lifestyle Mall since most of them are indoor setting but incorporated with outdoor walking mall. Thus, hereinafter, I will use the term lifestyle mall in describing the Malaysia context. 2.0 Problem Statement The emergence of lifestyle malls poses interesting question for urbanism in Malaysia. Cities in the Malaysia especially Greater Kuala Lumpur are characterized by sprawling suburban, which a pattern of development being criticized by several theorists. According to Jane Jacobs in her book The Death and Life of Great American Cities, she arguing that modernist planning policies that promoted highway construction has been destroyed many existing inner-city communities (Jacobs, 1961). After that, others writers such as Joel Garreau, Dolores Hayden and Robert Bruegmann agreed that suburban sprawl occurred to the destructive of urban life in America (Garreau, 1991; Hayeden Wark, 2004; Bruegmann, 2006). Furthermore, most of the critics on the rapid suburbanization that occurred in America as well as Malaysia, is the changing of urban and social fabric in several ways, both physically and socially. According to Harriet Tregoning, he states that cars have become necessary to working, shopping and living in suburban cities. The growing dependence on automobiles necessitated by low density, sprawling land use has important implications. People living in more sprawling regions tend to drive greater distance, own more cars, breathe more polluted air, face a greater risk of traffic fatalities and walk and use transit less. One of the most common arguments is that suburban development isolated residential areas from the commercial areas and working places that served them, thus creating sprawling, inharmonious mix of single family houses, shopping centers and office parks across the suburban landscape (Duanny, 2000; Kunstler, 1993). Many of the physical and social elements that constituted the spirit of the city civic art, civic life as well as public realm were lost in the process of spatial segregation (Garreau, 1991; Duanny, 2000; Hayeden Wark, 2004; Bruegmann, 2006). Suburbanization tends to isolate large groups of society preventing the contact between diverse members of the population that is common in more traditional urban settings. According to Fellmann et all, the upwardly mobile resident of the city-younger, wealthier and better educated- took advantage of the automobile and highway to leave the central city. The poorer and older people were left behind. The central cities and suburbs becam e increasingly differentiated. Krueger and Gibbs stated that Suburbanization produces enormous obstacles to the creation of a sense of identity with the neighborhood of residence, since the links generated are minimal and the lack of social ties makes the construction of a sense of belonging to a place very difficult (Krueger Gibbs, 2007). Duany writes It is difficult to identify a segment of the population that does not suffer in some way from the lifestyle imposed by contemporary suburban development (Duany, 2000). From a social perspective, most critics argue that in suburbia, the private realm is privileged over that of the public. Thus, without adequate public space, there is a severe shortage of venues where social interaction can take place because sharing the public realm, people have their opportunity to interact, and thus come to realize that they have little reason to fear each other. (Duany, 2000) The evolution of shopping center development in Kuala Lumpur began with the opening of the first purpose built supermarkets and emporiums such as Weld Supermarket, Yuyi Emporium and so on. The first shopping complex, Ampang Park arrived in 1973, followed by Campbell Complex, Wisma Stephen, Wisma Central, Sun Complex, Pertama Complex, Wisma MPI and Angkasaraya. These shopping complexes are essentially retail developments located within a podium block of a shopping cum office development. Anchor tenants are nonexistent and the complexes have poor amenities and parking facilities. The retail outlets are generally small and the layout design is poor with little pedestrian circulation and inefficient use of space. C:Documents and SettingsyshearMy Documentspublic spacepertama.bmp Pertama Complex in Jalan Tunku Abdul Rahman is among the first generation shopping complexes in Kuala Lumpur. The second generation of 80s shopping complexes were purpose built shopping complexes such as Sungai Wang Plaza (1978), Bukit Bintang Plaza (1979), Kota Raya (1982), Yow Chuan Plaza (1983), Imbi Plaza (1985), KL Plaza (1985), The Mall (1987), The Weld (1988) and Pudu Plaza (1989). These complexes enjoy good accessibility as they are located on main roads or at busy junctions of arterial or main roads. Ample parking lots are provided and easy entrance and exit points are strategically located for the convenience of shoppers who travel by car. C:Documents and SettingsyshearMy Documentspublic spaceb_1sungeiwang.jpg Sg Wang Plaza, one of the popular shopping centers situated in Bukit Bintang shopping district of Kuala Lumpur. The shopping complexes have much better design and the adoption of a balanced tenant mix has taken stage in the overall planning, leasing and design of the complexes. The size, distribution and layout of the retail lots are also carefully planned and designed. Anchor tenants such as Metrojaya, AEON Jusco, Isetan, Parkson are used as magnets and are purposely located to facilitate the flow of shoppers in the complexes. With rapid economic growth and urbanization in the Klang Valley, a wide range of social and economic factors have combined to influence the trends in shopping center development. The third generation of shopping centers, from the 1990s to the present, has seen the birth of new giants, with the size determine the winner of competition. Mega sized centers with vast retail space, often spanning more than two million square feet and with multiple anchor tenants, multiple mini anchors and a host of shop lots. Huge car parks accommodating more than 3000 vehicles are common, with a network of internal roads and access to main roads and highways. These mega shopping centers are usually located in the suburbs and they include Sunway Pyramid, Mid Valley Megamall, One Utama Shopping Center, and Tropicana City Mall and so on. Perhaps being huge assures success. All the mega sized shopping centers have their individual niche markets and are thriving even facing competition with each others. For example, Sunway Pyramid integrated with its own planned resort Sunway Lagoon. Without exception, all shopping centers must have good or exceptional merchandise mix and strong retail attractions in order to succeed in the face of stiff competition. C:Documents and SettingsyshearMy Documentspublic spacemid valley.jpg Mid Valley Megamall, the Malaysias largest suburban shopping center with 3 anchor tenants located in Bangsar. The trend is moving towards hypermarkets, which may be supplanting some of the old pop and mom style grocery business. Hypermarkets are typically huge stand alone supermarket and department store type retail outlets. Carrefour, Tesco, Giant are mushrooming over the suburban cities throughout Peninsular Malaysia. For example, Giant, the largest retailer in Malaysia are currently operates 107 stores nationwide and there are more stores opening soon. On the other hand, Tesco has operates 36 stores throughout Peninsular Malaysia to date. Giant Hypermarket, the largest retailer in Malaysia is operating more than 100 stores throughout Malaysia. The major factors which have contributed towards the emergence of suburban shopping centers and hypermarkets are due to the suburbanization of residential development. With limited land available for residential development in the city, housing has spread to the surrounding land at the city fringes with vast space of available lands. With provision of road infrastructure, the young, mobile, rich and middle class families who demand for bigger homes and more luxurious features and better quality of living have migrated to the suburbs. Many of these residential developments have taken the form of new townships and self contained neighborhoods such as Subang Jaya, Petaling Jaya, Damansara and the list goes on. Retail followed as families continued to move from central cities to the suburbs. Besides, the increases of female employments also lead to the emergence of suburban shopping center and hypermarkets. More females are entering the workforce which will directly affect the retailing pattern. It is because the addition of household incomes has increased the purchasing power. Moreover, women engaged in full time employment have less time for shopping. Thus, it results the increase of bulk buying and reduction in frequency of shopping trips. However, the shopping has turned into a family affair. Thus, it is essential to provide all in one shopping activities including shopping, food, entertainment and leisure with more emphasize on convenience, comfort and family oriented attractions and entertainment. While suburban malls only served the retail needs of suburban residents, critics began to argue that they eliminated any chance communities have for possessing physical continuity on the urban fabric since they usually located along the main route (Torino, 2005). Developers of suburban malls tend to overlook the role of shopping center as a forum of public gathering and social interaction. However, the suburban malls are not public spaces at all; they are designed for single purpose: consumption. Victor Gruen, the architect of the first modern suburban shopping mall in United States, recognized the breakdown of traditional community bonds are driven by uncontrollable suburban sprawl. Thus, Gruen envisioned the suburban mall to serve as the new town center which is dense, mixed use environments that could take place of traditional main streets and town squares. Gruen realized that the process of suburbanization was weakening the social bonds in a society that was fostered mainly in close knit rural communities and dense urban settlements. (Torino, 2005) Gruens idea was to make shopping malls more pedestrian friendly, which he achieved by putting the entire development under one roof, with stores on two levels connected by escalators and fed by two-tiered parking. In the middle of the mall was a town square, which featured a garden court under a skylight, a fishpond, enormous sculpted trees, a twenty-one-foot cage filled with exotic birds, balconies with hanging plants, and a cafà © (Gladwell, 2004). However, Gruens vision of shopping mall failed to function as town centers due to several reasons. In contrast to traditional town centers, which were extroverted, meaning that store windows and entrances faced both the parking areas and the interior pedestrian walkways, indoor malls were introverted: the exterior walls presented a blank faà §ade, and all of the activity was focused inward (Gladwell, 2004). According to Michael Sorkin, the design of shopping malls tends to reinforce the domestic values and physical order of suburbia, r ather than rectify it. In his book Variations on a Theme Park, Sorkin states, Like the suburban house that rejects the sociability of front porches and sidewalks for private back yards, malls look inward, turning their backs on the public street (Sorkin, 1992). Since most malls are located in the middle of vast parking lots set well off the street, what Sorkin refers to as pedestrian islands in an asphalt sea, their physical setting represents yet another crack in the already fragmented suburban landscape (Sorkin, 1992). Another reason why malls have failed to function as the traditional town centers that Gruen envisioned is that they are, by and large, built for a single purpose retail. According to Kevin Mattson, Whereas in cities, towns, and villages, public space invites mixed usage and contains churches, schools, courts, theaters, civic buildings and stores, malls are exclusively commercial. Access and architecture together conspire to make buying and selling the only thinkable activities (Mattson, 2009). Mattson argues that since malls are the only public spaces left in many parts of the country, they must become more like real towns with a mixture of uses: If commerce is not to become the sole activity we engage in when we are in public, malls must offer alternative activities civic, cultural, athletic, political, and recreational that define us as citizens as well as consumers (Mattson, 2009). Many urban scholars have pointed to the obvious fact that shopping malls are not true public spaces, but privatized ones where management ultimately reserves the right to limit access. In his book The Right to the City: Social Justice and the Fight for Public Space, Don Mitchell touches on the idea that malls are exclusive places, where certain groups and behaviors are not welcome (rowdy teenagers, the homeless, and political demonstrations, for example). Mitchell also comments that malls are heavily patrolled by private security forces and are subject to constant surveillance (Mitchell, 2003). Malcolm Voyce has noted that malls do not coincide with the need for an open and democratic public space and that their private nature limits and controls diversity (Voyce, 2006). Private ownership and restricted access, therefore, undermine the shopping malls ability to function as a true, democratic public space. The recent trends mark the emergence of lifestyle malls mushrooming at the suburban Klang Valley. To be named a few: The Curve, the pioneer lifestyle mall in Malaysia; Sunway Pyramid, Jaya One, Wangsa Walk, Alamanda Putrajaya, Axis Atrium, Sunway Giza which are operating; SSTwo Mall, 1Mont Kiara, Subang Avenue, Citta, Setia Walk, Setia Avenue and the list goes on which are on construction to join the lifestyle demand. Therefore, it is not strange that Business Week Magazine has referred the lifestyle malls as the Shopping Center of the 21st Century. The above lifestyle malls share several commons. Design ambience reflecting a main street motif is great emphasized. The developers often cite a large emphasis on food and entertainment, elements that further contribute to the atmosphere of the project. Parking is also a major concern where it is usually arranged in structures or placed underground (Malmuth, 2005). Moreover, the inclusion of mixed uses also can be found in the quality of lifestyle malls. The inclusion of non retail uses is what sets apart lifestyle malls from other retail developments, to the extent that certain developer, such as Sime UEP Brunsfield, will claim that the word lifestyle is meaningless if residential component is not incorporated. The rise of lifestyle mall also raises other important questions, particularly about how and whether the shopping centers also function as public spaces. Perhaps the most important factor leading to the emergence of lifestyle malls, however, and the focus of this thesis, is the recognition of the increasing importance of shopping centers as public spaces in suburban life. Outside of urban centers, suburbia offers very few public gathering places. Therefore, strolling through suburban malls has become the favorite pastime during weekends. It is however important to realize that the main concern of shopping center is still concern about commercial activities. While the fact is, people do not only shop in a mall, they do hangout and socialize in the same time. Besides, there are also critics on the suburban shopping malls that reinforce unsustainable suburban sprawl. Some argue that lifestyle centers represent part of an effort to reduce the effects of suburban sprawl, through the reint roduction of traditional mixed use setting. Other argues that they are only tools to earn since they are privately owned, carefully controlled. Therefore, do lifestyle malls truly represent better forms of public space than conventional malls? Developers of lifestyle malls seem to have realized that improved retail design can act as a forum for social activity as well as a source of increased revenue (Torino, 2005). If so, are they alternatives to malls as models for public space in suburban? Do lifestyle malls represent a new typology of quasi public space? And how public are those lifestyle malls? 3.0 Aim This research aims to examine the emergence of lifestyle malls of their ability to function as public space. 4.0 Objectives 4.1 To examine the publicness of lifestyle malls. 4.2 To determine the perception of shoppers experiences towards the function of lifestyle malls. 4.3 To recognize the lifestyle malls as a new form of public space in suburban. 5.0 Research Questions 5.1 How public are lifestyle malls? 5.2 How do the shoppers perceive the lifestyle malls role? 5.3 How lifestyle malls represent a new form of public space in suburban? 6.0 Outline of Methodology To answer these questions, a variety of methods will be applied. The overall methods are qualitative. Research which is primarily based on journals, articles and others. Attempt to examine the characteristic of public space in order to identify the function of lifestyle malls as public space in the context of ideas by theorists such as George Varna, Steve Tiesdell, Adam Tyndall, Kevin Lynch, W. Lewis Dijkstra, Jan Gehl as well as Project of Public Space. Interviews with planners and developers, member of Malaysian Association for Shopping and Highrise Complex Management Brief discussion regarding the trend of shopping centers in Malaysia, planning and development of selected lifestyle malls. Surveys of shoppers experience at lifestyle malls. Survey on the perceptions of shoppers towards lifestyle malls as social focus and public space. Observation Observation on the physical design of lifestyle mall, degree to the mixed tenants and how the public use the spaces. 7.0 Structure of the Thesis Chapter 1 Suburban development in Greater Kuala Lumpur, trend of shopping center in Malaysia Chapter 2 Discussion on the role of public space and how lifestyle mall fit into the context of public space Chapter 3 Case Studies Chapter 4 Survey results obtained at each lifestyle malls, observation on the quality of public space, design, level of mixed use, community events sponsored by each lifestyle mall Chapter 5 Concludes with a discussion of results and implications of the research. 8.0 Expected Output The expected output will be: Able to assess whether lifestyle mall in Greater Kuala Lumpur can function as public space. Able to determine that lifestyle mall can be another form of public space in suburban Kuala Lumpur. Able to recognize the characteristics of lifestyle mall that contribute to creation of public space.

Looking For Alibrandi, Analysis

Looking For Alibrandi, Analysis However, the Italian adolescents, and in Josies case, have guidelines and family expectations they have to live up to, for example, after school she has to visit her Nonna, dress, friends and the reputation of her family and the Alibrandi name. This is against the expectations of her Italian culture of the assumption that she will marry someone of the Italian background. It is though these regulations that Josie has to fight, these cultural boundaries are revealed. Respect is a cultural boundary that Josies family holds upon her, and is presented through the characters of Josephine and Nonna Katia. Josie crossed this boundary and hit her with her science book. This is seen in the Italian eye as disrespect to her Italian heritage. Josie also shows bitterness at Easter when other children receive chocolate eggs and as an alternative, Josie must help her Nonna prepare for a large family food-gathering event. We were all caught up in the middle of two societies. Josie crosses this boun dary when she would rather join her friends in other places than to stay and contribute in the Italian sauce-making day. Melina Marchettas purpose to educate the readers of the discrimination and prejudice of todays society on a cultures values, beliefs and traditions, and that crossing boundaries brings greater self knowledge leading to growth and emancipation. The Italians and the Australians try and keep separate, and there is always a lack of interaction between, relationships and communication is always minimised. This cultural boundary is crossed through the unaccepted relationships between Italian Josie and Australian Jacob, and Nonna Katia and Marcus Sandford. Through the conflict of the characters, this cultural boundary of interaction is exposed. The reader is satisfied as Josie breaks free, unshackles the chains of the cultural restrictions her mother and grandmother place upon her, and finds her true identity. Jossies intelligence and confidence are two unique qualities portrayed in this young girl, struggling with her identity. She is a remarkably imaginative young person possessing a quick temper. She is a confused girl searching to find where she belongs in the two different cultures. These cultures, being Australian and Italian, are very demanding on such a young girl, having to mould herself for each and find an equilibrium of both. She has major difficulties coping with the harsh reality of prejudice and these problems soon take their toll on her. These pressures continue with her living a life in a prestigious private school, battling to balance herself in a middle class life. Josies aspirations reach much farther than that of her families ambitions for her life. It is at this point in time where a classic example of culture clash begins. Josie feels the need to rebel against the stereo-typical female in an Italian culture. This determination stems from her education and desire to step away from her Italian life and responsibilities, breaking away not only from her family and their narrow mindedness but also the entire Italian culture. This is a major leap for Josie who aspires to be the first Alibrandi female to take control of her life. This motivation of freedom is strong in Josie and her rebellious ways demonstrate this. Christina is the result of the Italian culture and the clash it has with the Australian identity. From the time she was thrown out of home at 17, Nonna has always blamed Christina for Josies birth. Up until Francesscas death, Nonna was forbidden to have any contact with her daughter. this exemplifies the authority an Italian male can exert on the women in his family. Josie would have seen this and blinded with her motivation from her Australian identity could not stand for such a culture. It was not until Francesscas death that Nonna could be reunited with her daughter and grand daughter. Josies father has had very little immediate impact on her life thus far. When her father did arrive in back in Sydney Josie is naturally angry at him. This is a totally acceptable form of behaviour considering the circumstance, but her anger not only stems from her own personal experience. Josie had to grow up knowing that her father had abandoned her and her mother, pushing her Christina into being a single parent bringing up her child alone. Because of this humiliating fact Christina and her daughter were outcast from the Italian community. Her hatred also delved into the way the Italian community treated Christina and Josie through gossip and intentional humiliation of the family. Even though Josie rebels against her father initially, she eventually begins to grow closer to him. This initial bonding occurs when Josie needed her dad, when she broke Ivys nose. This allowed for some trust to be restored between her and her father, making their relationship stronger and giving them a new start. Second site: Josie is very rebellious to the Italian way of life, which has a lot to do with Nonna and her constant remarks such as you brake my heart and i deserve respect. She also hates the fact that nonnas friends are always reporting things that she does. She undervalues Jossie as a person by not allowing her to sit in the lounge room with the air conditioning, as this is for visitors only. She is also blames by her mum for anything that jossie does such as yous let her go out like a gypsy. When she finds out that christina is not Francesas daughter but also a bastard, she confronts nonna and is very angry because she feels the hypocrisy in her argument. Â  Its not until nonna explains her situation and the hardships she has endured in her that she begins to understand nonna and have some compassion for her; she begins to understand the Italian family life. Nonna also starts to compromise her attitude to Jossie and begins to accept some of the Australian ways of life. Josies life has many prominent issues relating to multicultural Australia today. The prejudice and need to be normal in any minority society is tremendous and this book covers that issue very intensely. But there is also a lot more to this novel than simple bigotry. Looking for Alibrandi also attacks very important issues at the foundation of the Australian culture. These range from teenage pregnancy to the social hierarchy at a private school. All these issues are entwined to create a very revealing book about all aspects of Australian life, not necessarily from a purely Australian view. http://wwwfp.education.tas.gov.au/english/alibrandi.htm

Atomism: Democritus And Epicurus Essay -- essays research papers

Atomism: Democritus and Epicurus In the Atomists, we see pluralism taken as far as it could possibly go. We see Democritus and Epicurus divide all the world, as well as the universe, into two categories; atoms and empty space. Everything else is merely thought to exist. The atoms are eternal, infinite in size and number and they are moving through the empty space. There is no motion without empty space. Both Democritus and Epicurus agreed that motion was impossible in a plenum, but it is here that their theories diverge. In the cause of the motion, we begin to see a variety of opinions. Both Democritus and Epicurus agreed that the â€Å"qualitative world of sense perception arises from the motion of qualitatively neutral atoms. They believe that the immense qualitative variety results from the ‘jostling' of atoms...as they collide and bounce apart, and so, constantly form new groupings† (Jones 84). They believe it to be a mechanical process occurring completely by chance. Furthermore, although new groupings are constantly being formed, only the few that can survive are considered the â€Å"right† combinations. These are the combinations we recognize through our senses as being â€Å"real†, although they are not. However, the way in which this complex motion begins is a source of controversy and disagreement amongst the Atomists. Democritus assumes that the atoms' motion is perpetual. The atoms are never at rest. He presumes that their nature is to move, thereby avoiding â€Å"the problem of explaining the origin of the complex motion of atoms by simply affirming that it is in their nature to move so† (Jones 85). He believes that atoms are born along with the whole universe in a vortex. The vortex is not an outside influence, but rather the motion of the atoms themselves. He never accounts for the initiation of this motion. He simply states that it is an inherent quality of the atoms themselves. Epicurus, on the other hand, wanted to find a reasoning behind the initial movement of the atoms; to find the cause of the initial collisions which start the creation process of the universe. Through observation of objects falling â€Å"down† within our limited perceptual space, Epicurus concluded ... ...ualities? Epicurus ambiguously calls these qualities â€Å"accompaniments† yet never explains how they can exist outside of reality and still be considered real. Epicurus changed the doctrine of Democritus in many ways in an attempt to clarify some of the more questionable postulations. Epicurus' theory is not necessarily superior, but certainly progressive. There is room for discourse on a variety of the Atomists' theories. Since they are the first school of thought from which we have so much written record, there is bound to be divergence of opinion. The areas I have discussed relate only the area of physics. Epicurus attempts to resolve some of the dilemmas Democritus leaves unresolved in ethical and psychological dilemmas as well. Of course, lingual and interpretive constraints play a part in all philosophical theory of the classical period. Yet in our "modern" world, we rely heavily on the ideas set forth by these great thinkers. It would be foolish to take one concept as superior over another because the scope of ideas given to us by these thinkers is too great a wealth to judge subjectively.

The Flaw of Excessive Thought in Shakespeares Hamlet Essay -- GCSE C

The Flaw of Excessive Thought in Hamlet  Ã‚         In Hamlet, Shakespeare has his troubled title character dejectedly sigh the words, "there is nothing either good or bad but thinking makes it so" (II.ii.255). With this line, Hamlet unwittingly defines the underlying theme of the play. The tragedy of Hamlet is based on conflicts produced when Hamlet and another character have conflicting feelings of what is "good or bad." Ophelia dies for the conflict between Hamlet's romantic love and Polonius and Laertes's protective caution. Hamlet himself is torn between whether to consider his father's ghost as an angel or a demon. The prince's final decision rests on the very basic necessity of life itself, and whether continuing to live is worth the pain of living.    Ophelia dies because of the conflict between Hamlet's love and Polonius's paternal concern for his daughter. The young lovers can find nothing bad at all about their relationship, and in fact, Hamlet's mother would love nothing better than to see the two wed (V.i.267-269). Polonius and Laertes, on the other hand, have observed Hamlet's brooding, pensive mood after the elder Hamlet's death, and are wary of his uncertain motivations. Laertes tells Ophelia that Hamlet's love for her is merely "a violet in the youth of primy nature, forward, not permanent -- sweet, not lasting; the perfume and suppliance of a minute, no more" (I.iii.7-10). Both father and brother warn Ophelia that Hamlet's motivation for wooing her are solely, or at least mostly, political, not romantic. "He may not, as unvalued persons do, crave for himself, for on his choice depends the safety and health of this whole state" (I.iii.19-21). Between the opposition from Polonius and the matters of revenge... ...life itself, is "good or bad". It is the conflict in Hamlet's soul between good and bad that causes the outward conflicts with other characters which lead to his eventual downfall in Act V. No event in itself would have triggered such a devastating shock to young Hamlet without his pondering its implications as he does. Nothing would have been so good or bad, had it not been for Hamlet's thinking which made it so.    Works Cited and Consulted: Berkeley, George. A Treatise Concerning the Principles of Human Knowledge. 1710. Ed. Kenneth Winkler. Indianapolis: Hackett, 1982. Berman, Allison. "We Only Find Ourselves." Hamlet reaction papers. Wynnewood: FCS, 2000. Lugo, Michael. "Thus Conscience Does Make Cowards of Us All." Hamlet reaction papers. Wynnewood: FCS, 2000. Shakespeare, William. Hamlet. Ed. Sylvan Barnet. New York: Signet Classic, 1998.

Religion and Politics in Tibet Essay -- Political

Tenzin Gyatso, the 14th Dalai Lama, is the spiritual and political leader of an ancient people without a country, and is the binding and driving force behind Tibetan nonviolent resistance and cultural rebuilding. He was born July 6, 1935, making him 69 years old. He has lived all but 15 of these 69 years in exile from his country, continually being a main reason for their survival. The Dalai Lama is now considering his successor, and plans to do so through democratic means instead of the traditional process of divination. He has also been guiding his country toward a westernized organization of government in recent years, more and more towards a greater separation of church and state. How will Tibet, a country defined by its religious fervor, survive in exile with a separation of religion and politics? The Dalai Lama and Tibet have stood together against one of the largest countries in the world for half a century. Even though Tibet has yet to regain its sovereignty, it has managed to survive and even thrive while in exile, and is slowly making small steps back toward once again ruling the Land of Snows. Tibet’s success so far is due to its unique blend of religion and politics. Their success is evident in the equality of their people, their peaceful nature, and the continued success of their resistance to China for the last 54 years. A Secular Dalai Lama The Dalai Lama is the living incarnation of the Bodhisattva of compassion, Avalokitesvara. The institution of the Dalai Lama was created by a Mongol chief, Altan Khan, in the year 1578. Altan Khan already ruled a great section of the Mongolian empire and parts of northern China when he first came in contact with Tibet. In this first meeting, Altan met t... ...lizes.† Peace Magazine. (Oct-Dec 2002): 6 Ram, Senthil. The Pragmatism in Tibetan Nonviolent Politics [online]. The Transnational Foundation for Peace and Future Research, June 2004 [cited 18 November 2004]. Available from the World Wide Web: (http://www.transnational.org /forum/Nonviolence/2004/Ram_pragmatismTibet.html) The Government of Tibet in Exile [online]. Available from the World Wide Web: (www.tibet.com) Thurman, Robert A. F, Kenneth Kraft. Inner Peace, World Peace: Tibet and the Monastic Army of Peace. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992. US Department of State [online]. Available from the World Wide Web: (www.state.gov) Woodward, Kenneth L. â€Å"Dalai Lama: 'My Name, My Popularity' Useful in Promoting Human Values, Harmony Among Religions; 'Next Dalai Lama Could Be Indian or European ... Even A Woman'.† Newsweek. (August 9, 1999)

Dance, the Art of Movement Essay

Dancing is the rhythmical movement of the body, usually with music, to express an idea or emotion, to narrate a story or simply to enjoy and take pleasure in the movement itself. It can be traced that Dance as an art started from the moment it was harnessed to a rhythm, probably the stamping of the feet and clapping of the hands. Dance of the earliest times differ from those of the present times; the dances of the barrio folks differ from those of the city. There are primitive and non primitive dances. Indians dance to give thanks for a harvest, the Mexicans to celebrate a religious festival, teenagers dance at parties, both young and old go discoing and children everywhere dance because it is pleasurable to express joy through bodily movement or language. Origin and Function of the Dance Dancing has primitive beginnings. It can be deduced from the behavior of primitive tribes surviving today that the rhythm that spurred on the dances mostly came from the beat sustained through the stamping of the feet on the ground. Soon, dance was used for purposes of affecting the whole tribe; hunting dance to depict the capture or a prey or a warlike dance to show the defeat of enemy. There were dances of thanksgiving for a good harvest, good weather and wanted rain. Rain dances have survived in some parts of the world until today. In biblical dances, the Old Testament attests that Miriam, the sister of Moses, led the women in a dances of joy after Israelites escaped from Egypt. King David danced before the Ark of the Covenant to express thanksgiving. Psalm 149 says, â€Å"Let them praise HIS name in the dance. † The Bible tells us when people danced, but it does not tell how they danced. The Hebrew religion forbade the making of images. Thus there are no paintings or statues to help reconstruct the dances of Miriam or David. In earlier times, supplications t Gods was the beginning of the religious aspect of dancing. In the West, the most sophisticated of professional dancers put their art at the service of religion taking part in celebrations in great cathedrals or in humble churches. It is believed that the more grotesque kinds of dancing in plays and spectacles were developed by the Romans. In the East as well as in the West, dancing was developed as a social grace. Various kinds of religious, social and theatrical dances evolved slowly in the dances today. Generally, western dance techniques are based mostly on footwork, while the Eastern forms of art dance, depending upon footwork to sustain the rhythm, derive their greatest beauty and subtle meanings from the infinite variety of delicate movements of the upper part of the body, especially the head, neck and hands. In the East as in the West, dance was indigenous to religious ceremony, and was used for entertainment. Plato, the great Greek Philosopher demanded a place for the dance in his ‘’ideal republic’’ saying that it would help towards acquiring noble, harmonious and graceful attitudes. The implication is that dance was already appreciated for its own sake, as an expression of beauty and movement. The domination of the Roman Catholic Church in Europe, after the fall of Rome, virtually extinguished theatrical dance, but it was reborn together with other art of Italy.

Gender Differences in Depression Essay

Abstract From early adolescence through adulthood, women are twice as likely as men to experience depression. Many different explanations for this gender difference in depression have been offered, but none seems to fully explain it. Recent research has focused on gender differences in stress responses, and in exposure to certain stressors. I review this research and describe how gender differences in stress experiences and stress reactivity may interact to create women’s greater vulnerability to depression. Keywords gender; depression; stress Across many nations, cultures, and ethnicities, women are about twice as likely as men to develop depression (Nolen-Hoeksema, 1990; Weissman et al., 1996). This is true whether depression is indexed as a diagnosed mental disorder or as subclinical symptoms. Diagnosable depressive disorders are extraordinarily common in women, who have a lifetime prevalence for major depressive disorder of 21.3%, compared with 12.7% in men (Kessler, McGonagle, Swartz, Blazer, & Nelson, 1993). Most explanations for the gender difference in depression have focused on individual variables, and studies have attempted to show that one variable is better than another in explaining the difference. In three decades of research, however, no one variable has single-handedly accounted for the gender difference in depression. In recent years, investigators have moved toward more integrated models, taking a transactional, developmental approach. Transactional models are appropriate because it is clear that depression impairs social and occupational functioning, and thus can have a major impact on an individual’s environment. Developmental models are appropriate because age groups differ markedly in the gender difference in depression. Girls are no more likely than boys to evidence depression in childhood, but by about age 13, girls’ rates of depression begin to increase sharply, whereas boys’ rates of depression remain low, and may even decrease. By late adolescence, girls are twice as likely as boys to be depressed, and this gender ratio remains more or less the same throughout adulthood. The absolute rates of depression in women and men vary substantially across the life span, however. In this review, I focus on two themes in recent research. First, because women have less power and status than men in most societies, they experience certain traumas, particularly sexual abuse, more often than men. They also experience more chronic strains, such as poverty, harassment, lack of respect, and constrained choices. Second, even when women and men experience the same stressors, women may be more likely than men to develop depression because of gender differences in biological responses to stressors, self-concepts, or coping styles. Frequent stressful experiences and reactivity to stress are likely to have reciprocal effects on each other. Stressful experiences can sensitize both biological and psychological systems to future stress, making it more likely that individuals will react with depression. In turn, reactivity to stress is associated with impaired problem solving, an d, as a result, with the accumulation or generation of new stressors, which may contribute to more depression. STRESSFUL LIFE EVENTS Women’s lack of social power makes them more vulnerable than men to specific major traumas, particularly sexual abuse. Traumas may contribute directly to depression, by making women feel they are helpless to control their lives, and may also contribute indirectly, by increasing women’s reactivity to stress. Women’s social roles also carry a number of chronic strains that might contribute directly or indirectly to depression. Major changes in the frequency of traumatic events and in social roles coincide with the emergence of gender differences in depression in adolescence, and may help to explain this emergence. Victimization Women are the victims of sexual assault—defined as being pressured or forced into unwanted sexual contact—at least twice as often as men, and people with a history of sexual assault have increased rates of depression (see Weiss, Longhurst, & Mazure, 1999). Sexual assault during childhood has been more consistently linked with the gender difference in depression than sexual assault that first occurs during adulthood. Estimates of the prevalence of childhood sexual assault range widely. Cutler and I reviewed the most methodologically 174 sound studies including both male and female participants and found rates of childhood sexual assault between 7 and 19% for females and between 3 and 7% for males (Cutler & Nolen-Hoeksema, 1991). We estimated that, in turn, as much as 35% of the gender difference in adult depression could be accounted for by the higher incidence of assault of girls relative to boys. A few studies have examined whether depression might be an antecedent rather than a consequence of sexual assault. Depression does appear to increase risk for sexual assault in women and men, but sexual assault significantly increases risk for first or new onsets of depression. Childhood sexual assault may increase risk for depression throughout the life span because abuse experiences negatively alter biological and psychological responses to stress (Weiss et al., 1999). Children and adolescents who have been abused, particularly those who have been repeatedly abused over an extended period of time, tend to have poorly regulated biological response to stress. Abuse experiences can also negatively alter children’s and adolescents’ perspectives on themselves and others, contributing to their vulnerability to depression (Zahn-Waxler, 2000). do nearly all the child care and domestic work of the home. In addition, women are increasingly â€Å"sandwiched† between carin g for young children and caring for sick and elderly family members. This role overload is said to contribute to a sense of â€Å"burn out† and general distress, including depressive symptoms, in women. In the context of heterosexual relationships, some women face inequities in the distribution of power over important decisions that must be made, such as the decision to move to a new city, or the decision to buy an expensive item such as a car (Nolen-Hoeksema, Larson, & Grayson, 1999). Even when they voice their opinions, women may feel these opinions are not taken seriously, or that their viewpoints on important issues are not respected and affirmed by their partners. My colleagues and I measured chronic strain by grouping inequities in workload and heterosexual relationships into a single variable, and found that this variable predicted increases in depression over time, and partially accounted for the gender difference in depression (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 1999). Depression also contributed to increased chronic strain over time, probably bec ause it was associated with reductions in perceptions of control and effective problem solving. Girls also feel that if they pursue male-stereotyped activities and preferences, such as interests in math and science or in competitive sports, they are rejected by their peers. For many girls, especially white girls, popularity and social acceptance become narrowly oriented around appearance. This narrowing of acceptable behavior for girls in early adolescence may contribute to the increase in depression in girls at this time, although this popular theory has been the focus of remarkably little empirical research (NolenHoeksema & Girgus, 1994). There is substantial evidence that excessive concern about appearance is negatively associated with wellbeing in girls, but these findings may apply primarily to white girls. In addition, very little research has examined whether appearance concerns and gender roles are risk factors for depression or only correlates. REACTIVITY TO STRESS Even when women and men are confronted with similar stressors, women may be more vulnerable than men to developing depression and related anxiety disorders such as posttraumatic stress disorder (Breslau, Davis, Andreski, Peterson, & Schultz, 1997). Women’s greater reactivity compared with men’s has been attributed to gender differences in biological responses, self-concepts, and coping styles. Biological Responses to Stress For many years, the biological explanations for women’s greater vulnerability to depression focused on the direct effects of the ovarian hormones (especially estrogen and progesterone) on women’s moods. This literature is too large and com- Chronic Strains Women face a number of chronic burdens in everyday life as a result of their social status and roles relative to men, and these strains could contribute to their higher rates of depression (see Nolen-Hoeksema, 1990). Women make less money than men, and are much more likely than men to live in poverty. Women are more likely than men to be sexually harassed on the job. Women often have full-time paid jobs and also Gender Intensification in Adolescence Social pressure to conform to gender roles is thought to increase dramatically as children move through puberty. For girls, this may mean a reduction in their opportunities and choices, either real or perceived. According to adolescents’ own reports, parents restrict girls’ more than boys’ behaviors and have lower expectations for girls’ than for boys’ competencies plicated to review here (but see Nolen-Hoeksema, 1990, 1995). Simply put, despite widespread popular belief that women are more prone to depression than men because of direct negative effects of estrogen or progesterone on mood, there is little consistent scientific evidence to support this belief. Although some women do become depressed during periods of hormonal change, including puberty, the premenstrual period of the menstrual cycle, menopause, and the postpartum period, it is unclear that these depressions are due to the direct effects of hormonal changes on mood, or that depressions during these periods of women’s lives account for the gender differences in rates of depression. More recent biological research has focused not on direct effects of ovarian hormones on moods, but on the moderating effects of hormones, particularly adrenal hormones, on responses to stress. The hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis plays a major role in regulating stress responses, in part by regulating levels of a number of hormones, including cortisol, which is released by the adrenal glands in response to chemicals secreted by the brain’s hypothalamus and then the pituitary. In turn, cortisol levels can affect other biochemicals known to influence moods. People with major depressive disorder often show elevated cortisol responses to stress, indicating dysregulation of the HPA response. An intriguing hypothesis is that women are more likely than men to have a dysregulated HPA response to stress, which makes them more likely to develop depression in response to stress (Weiss et al., 1999). Women may be more likely to have a dysregulated HPA response because they are more likely to have suffered traumatic events, which are known to contribute to HPA dysregulation. In addition, ovarian hormones modulate regulation of the HPA axis (Young & Korszun, 1999). Some women may have depressions during periods of rapid change in levels of ovarian hormones (the postpartum period, premenstrual period, menopause, and puberty) because hormonal changes trigger dysregulation of the stress response, making these women more vulnerable to depression, particularly when they are confronted with stress. The causal relationship between HPA axis regulation and the gender difference in depression has not been established but is likely to be a major focus of future research. Subordinate their own needs and desires completely to those of others, they become excessively dependent on the good graces of others (Cyranowski, Frank, Young, & Shear, 2000). They may then be at high risk for depression when conflicts arise in relationships, or relationships end. Several recent studies have shown that girls and women are more likely than boys and men to develop depression in response to interpersonal stressors. Because depression can also interfere with interpersonal functioning, an important topic for future research is whether the gender difference in depression is a consequence or cause of gender differences in interpersonal strain. Coping Styles By adolescence, girls appear to be more likely than boys to respond to stress and distress with rumination—focusing inward on feelings of distress and personal concerns rather than taking action to relieve their distress. This gender difference in rumination then is maintained throughout adulthood. Several longitudinal and experimental studies have shown that people who ruminate in response to stress are at increased risk to develop depressive symptoms and depressive disorders over time (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 1999). In turn, the gender difference in rumination at least partially accounts for the gender difference in depression. Rumination may not only contribute directly to depression, but may also contribute indirectly by impairing problem solving, and thus preventing women from taking action to overcome the stressors they face. Self-Concept Although the idea that girls have more negative self-concepts than boys is a mainstay of the pop-psychology literature, empirical studies testing this hypothesis have produced mixed results (Nolen-Hoeksema & Girgus, 1994). Several studies have found no gender differences in self-esteem, self-concept, or dysfunctional attitudes. Those studies that do find gender differences, however, tend to show that girls have poorer self-concepts than boys. Again, negative self-concepts could contribute directly to depression, and could interact with stressors to contribute to depression. Negative self-concept has been shown to predict increases in depression in some studies of children (Nolen-Hoeksema & Girgus, 1994). One consistent difference in males’ and females’ self-concepts concerns interpersonal orientation, the tendency to be concerned with the status of one’s relationships and the opinions others hold of oneself. Even in childhood, girls appear more interpersonally oriented than boys, and this gender difference increases in adolescence (Zahn-Waxler, 2000). AN INTEGRATIVE MODEL Women suffer certain stressors more often than men and may be 176 more vulnerable to develop depression in response to stress because of a number of factors. Both stress experiences and stress reactivity contribute directly to women’s greater rates of depression compared with men. Stress experiences and stress reactivity also feed on each other, however. The more stress women suffer, the more hyperresponsive they may be to stress, both biologically and psychologically. This hyperresponsiveness may undermine women’s ability to control their environments and overcome their stress, leading to even more stress in the future. In addition, depression contributes directly to more stressful experiences, by interfering with occupational and social functioning, and to vulnerability to stress, by inciting rumination, robbing the individual of any sense of mastery she did have, and possibly sensitizing the biological systems involved in the stress response. Important advances will be made in explaining the gender difference in depression as we understand better the reciprocal effects of biological, social, and psychological systems on each other. Key developmental transitions, particularly the early adolescent years, are natural laboratories for observing the establishment of these processes, because so much changes during these transitions, and these transitions are times of increased risk. Additional questions for future research include how culture and ethnicity affect the gender difference in depression. The gender difference is found across most cultures and ethnicities, but its size varies considerably, as do the absolute percentages of depressed women and men. The processes contributing to the gender difference in depression may also vary across cultures and ethnicities. Understanding the gender difference in depression is important for at least two reasons. First, women’s high rates of depression exact tremendous costs in quality of life and productivity, for women themselves and their families. Second, understanding the gender difference in depression will help us to understand the causes of depression in general. In this way, gender provides a valuable lens through which to examine basic human processes in psychopathology. Recommended Reading Cyranowski, J.M., Frank, E., Young, E., & Shear, K. (2000). (See References) Nolen-Hoeksema, S. (1990). (See References) Nolen-Hoeksema, S., & Girgus, J.S. (1994). (See References) Nolen-Hoeksema, S., Larson, J., & Grayson, C. (1999). (See References) Young, E., & Korszun, A. (1999). (See References) References Breslau, N., Davis, G.C., Andreski, P., Peterson, E.L., & Schultz, L. (1997). Sex differences in posttraumatic stress disorder. Archives of General Psychiatry, 54, 1044–1048. Cutler, S., & Nolen-Hoeksema, S. (1991). Accounting for sex differences in depression through female victimization: Childhood sexual abuse. Sex Roles, 24, 425–438. Cyranowski, J.M., Frank, E., Young, E., & Shear, K. (2000). Adolescent onset of the gender difference in lifetime rates of major depression. Archives of General Psychiatry, 57, 21–27. Kessler, R.C., McGonagle, K.A., Swartz, M., Blazer, D.G., & Nelson, C.B. (1993). Sex and depression in the National Comorbidity Survey I: Lifetime prevalence, chronicity, and recurrence. Journal of Affective Disorders, 29, 85–96. Nolen-Hoeksema, S. (1990). Sex differences in depression. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Nolen-Hoeksema, S. (1995). Gender differences in coping with depression across the lifespan. Depression, 3, 81– 90. Nolen-Hoeksema, S., & Girgus, J.S. (1994). The emergence of gender differences in depression in adolescence. Psychological Bulletin, 115, 424–443. Nolen-Hoeksema, S., Larson, J., & Grayson, C. (1999). Explaining the gender difference in depression. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 77, 1061–1072. Weiss, E.L., Longhurst, J.G., & Mazure, C.M. (1999). Childhood sexual abuse as a risk factor for depression in women: Psychosocial and neurobiological correlates. American Journal of Psychiatry, 156, 816–828. Weissman, M.M., Bland, R.C., Canino, G.J., Faravelli, C., Greenwald, S., Hwu, H.-G., Joyce, P.R., Karam, E.G., Lee, C.-K., Lellouch, J., Lepine, J.P., Newman, S.C., Rubio-Stipc, M., Wells, E., Wickramaratne, P.J., Wittchen, H.-U., & Yeh, E.K. (1996). Cross-national epidemiology of major depression and bipolar disorder. Journal of the American Medical Association, 276, 293–299. Young, E., & Korszun, A. (1999). Women, stress, and depression: Se x differences in hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis regulation. In E. Leibenluft (Ed.), Gender differences in mood and anxiety disorders: From bench to bedside (pp. 31–52). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press. Zahn-Waxler, C. (2000). The development of empathy, guilt, and internalization of distress: Implications for gender differences in internalizing and externalizing problems. In R. Davidson (Ed.), Wisconsin Symposium on Emotion: Vol. 1. Anxiety, depression, and emotion (pp. 222–265). Oxford, England: Oxford University Press.